ABSTRACT
Human society has continuously been polarized based on gender and human relations have been founded on the precept of subjugation- of the female by the male. The handiest purpose for this principle winning the recognition of social sanction is definitely the intuition to dominate. There are various elements that have aided the subordination of women- leader of them being the silence and the silencing of them. Social conditioning begins from early formative years whilst women are talented with dolls home-kits and boys are given weapons to play battles. Stereo-types of women as nurturers and men as protectors are instilled as impressions inside the childhood to be consolidated very firmly into maturity. At the same time as the little boys are taught now not to cry even in private, precise little women are exhorted not to ask uncomfortable questions, anywhere, each time. The malady of silence is enforced on them when they are rewarded for being visible instead of for being heard. In additions, they are taught strict lessons in submission, sacrifice and self-abnegation that men comfortably approve of. The prevailing paper describes how the postcolonial women writers like Shashi Deshpande and Arundhati Roy address a neo-colonial society led by way of socio-cultural hegemony. It offers us the peep into how postcolonial has moved from the struggle against oppressive foreign culture to the struggle against native culture.

ABSTRACT
This paper is derived from a study that was funded by Kenyatta university Vice-Chancellor's Research Grant. It discusses the activities of organized criminal groups as well as the effects of those activities on security and peace in Nairobi. Nairobi County was chosen for the study because it has the highest number of organized criminal groups in the country. Such groups pose a serious challenge to Kenya Government for it negates the main objective of vision 2030 which is to achieve a secure environment for sustainable social, economic, and political development. The study used oral interviews, participant observation, and document analysis as methods of data collection. Findings of the study revealed that criminal groups were involved in several activities which made the streets, places of work or residence, public transport, and open-air markets unsafe. It was concluded that the Kenya Government must invest more in security so that Nairobi residents can live peacefully and carry out their businesses without fear of being attacked by criminals. From the findings and conclusions of the study, recommendations were made on how the problem of organized criminal groups in Nairobi can be minimized to ensure residents can live in a peaceful and secure county.

ABSTRACT
The end of Kenyatta era in 1978 ushered in the Moi era in Kenyan parlance Nyayo era whose key leader the late President Daniel Arap Moi and his crop of politicians would rule Kenya for the next two decades ending in 2002. One of the enigmatic politicians of the Nyayo era was Moses Budamba Mudavadi; a man whose clout constantly shook the nascent Kenya. Mudavadi`s name appeared in the media frequently from the scandals that entangled him. The controversial directions he gave as the KANU party Kakamega district torch bearer and later on KANU national general secretary made him brush shoulders with his political knockers who faced his wrath that sent them into political oblivion. Daniel Moi made many revere Mudavadi. The power he yielded was of an African king and dubbed “King of Mululu.” Moses Mudavadi in his political prime days appeared the most influential cabinet minister from Western province – the home of the Luyia. This paper therefore, shows the social – political relationship that existed between Moses Mudavadi and Daniel Moi that chattered the way for the Luyia nation in the 1980`s. It thus provides a narration on historiography of Luyia nation within the Kenya context so as to bring forth an understanding of Kenyan political terrain during Nyayo era.

ABSTRACT
This study argue that mainstreaming as the government’s major approach for promoting gender equity in Cameroon is not put into practice despite sensitization in communications and expressions by international organizations about gender inequality. This could be via socio-cultural factors currently limiting the mechanisms existing in ministries to the extent that they cannot function effectively. Hence the educational gab between females and their male’s counterpart is still wide in many developing countries of which Cameroon is one. There are yet ways in which the implementation of gender mainstreaming might be encouraged. These have been found through a comprehensive analysis of gender mechanisms in one ministry as case study. Thus the justification of gender inequality in higher education distinguished between different aspects of education and should explain those contexts in which women have attained parity as well as those in which they continue to lag behind men. The fact that these exist at all is a facilitating factor for gender mainstreaming. However, the majority of mechanisms are struggling with the dual mandate of mainstreaming, which involves both a focus on improving gender awareness inside ministries, and applying gender analyses to ministerial policies, programmes and budgets. Ethnographic studies with both qualitative and quantitative methods are greatly exploited in this study. Besides focusing on girl’s education ensures economic security, improved living standards and more choices in careers will result to poverty eradication.